Some Thoughts on the Academic Peer Review Process

Like most research-intensive faculty members, I receive regular requests to review papers for legitimate scholarly journals. (My spam e-mail folder is also full of requests to join editorial boards for phony journals, but that’s another topic for another day.) Earlier this week, I was working on reviewing a paper submitted to The Review of Higher Education, one of the three main higher education field journals in the United States (Journal of Higher Education and Research in Higher Education are the other two). I went to check one of the submission guidelines on the journal’s website and was surprised to see that the journal is temporarily closed for new manuscript submissions to help clear a backlog of submissions.

After I shared news of the journal’s decision on Twitter, I received a response from one of the associate editors of the journal. Her statement astonished me:

This sets off all kinds of alarms. How can a well-respected journal struggle so much to get qualified reviewers, pushing the length of the initial peer review process to six months or beyond? As someone who both submits to and reviews for a wide range of journals, here are some of my thoughts on how to potentially streamline the academic peer review process.

(1) Editors should ‘desk reject’ a higher percentage of submissions. Since it can be difficult to find qualified reviewers and most respectable journals accept less than 20% of all submissions, there is no reason to send all papers out to multiple external reviewers. If a member of the editorial board glances through the paper and can easily determine that it has a very low chance of publication, the paper should be immediately ‘desk rejected’ and quickly returned to the author with a brief note about why it was not sent out for full review. Journals in some fields, such as economics, already do this and it is sorely needed in education to help manage workloads. It is also humane to authors, as they are not waiting several months to hear back on a paper that will end up being rejected. I have been desk rejected several times during my career, and it allowed me to keep moving papers through the publication pipeline as a tenure-track faculty member.

(2) Journals should consider rejecting submissions from serial free riders. The typical academic paper is reviewed by two or three external scholars in the peer review process, with more people potentially getting involved if the paper goes through multiple revise and resubmit rounds. This means that for every sole-authored paper that someone submits, that person should be prepared to review two or three other papers in order to maintain balance. But in practice, since journals prefer reviewers with doctoral degrees and graduate students need to submit papers in order to be eligible for academic jobs, those of us with doctoral degrees should probably plan on reviewing 3-4 papers for each sole-authored paper we submit. (Divide that number accordingly based on the number of co-authors on your submissions.) It’s okay to decline review invitations if the paper is outside your scope of knowledge, but otherwise scholars need to accept most invitations. Declining because we are too busy doing our own research—and thus further jamming the publication pipeline—is not acceptable, particularly for tenured faculty members. If journals publicly commit to rejecting submissions from serial free riders, there may be fewer difficulties finding reviewers.

(3) There needs to be some incentive for reviewers to submit in a timely manner. Right now, journals can only beg and plead to get reviewers to submit their reviews within a reasonable time period (usually 3-6 weeks). But in my conversations with journal editors, reviewers often fail to meet that timeline. In an ideal world, journal reviewers would actually get paid for their work like many foundations and scholarly presses pay a few hundred dollars for thorough reviews. Absent that incentive, it may be worth establishing some sort of priority structure that rewards those who review quickly with quick reviews on their own submissions.

(4) In some cases, there needs to be better vetting of reviews before they are sent to authors. Most reputable academic journals have relatively few problems with this, as this is the job of the editorial board. Reviews generally come with a letter from the editor explaining discrepancies among reviewers and which comments can potentially be ignored. But the peer review process at academic conferences has more quality control issues, potentially due to the large number of reviews that are requested (ten 2,000-2,500 word proposals is not uncommon). It seems like reviewers rush through these proposals and often lack knowledge in the subject matter. Limiting the number of submissions that any individual can make and carefully vetting conference reviewers could help with this concern.

By helping to restrict the number of items that go out for peer review and providing incentives for people to fulfill their professional reviewing obligations, it should be possible to bring the peer review timeline down to a more humane 2-3 months rather than the 4-8 months that seems to be the norm in much of education. This is crucial for junior scholars trying to meet tenure requirements, but it will also help get peer-reviewed research out to the public and policymakers more quickly. Journals such as AERA Open, Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, and Economics of Education Review are models in quick and thorough peer review processes that the rest of the field can emulate.

New Experimental Evidence on the Effectiveness of Need-Based Financial Aid

My first experience doing higher education research began in the spring 2008, when I (then a graduate student in economics) responded to an e-mail from an education professor at the University of Wisconsin who was looking for students to help her with an interesting new study. Sara Goldrick-Rab was co-leading an evaluation of the Wisconsin Scholars Grant (WSG)—a rare case of need-based financial aid being given to students from low-income families via random assignment. Over the past decade, the Wisconsin Hope Lab team published articles on the effectiveness of the WSG in improving on-time graduation rates among university students and on changing students’ work patterns.

A decade later, we were able to conduct a follow-up study to examine the outcomes of treatment and control group students who started college between 2008 and 2011. This sort of long-term analysis of financial aid programs has rarely been conducted—and the two best existing evaluations (of the Cal Grant and the West Virginia PROMISE program) are on programs with substantial merit-based components. Eligibility for the WSG was solely based on financial need (conditional on being a first-time, full-time student), providing the first long-term experimental evaluation of a need-based program.

Along with longtime collaborators from our days in Wisconsin (Drew Anderson of the RAND Corporation, Katharine Broton of the University of Iowa, and Sara Goldrick-Rab of Temple University), I am pleased to announce the release of our new working paper on the long-term effects of the WSG to kick off the opening of the new Hope Center for College, Community and Justice at Temple University. We found some evidence that students who began at four-year colleges who were assigned to receive the WSG had improved academic outcomes. The positive impacts on degree completion for the initial cohort of students in 2008 did fade out over a period of up to nine years, but the grant still helped students complete their degrees more quickly than the comparison group. Additionally, there was a positive impact on six-year graduation rates in later cohorts, with treatment students in the 2011 cohort being 5.4 percentage points more likely to graduate than the control group.

The grant generated clear increases in the percentage of students who both declared and completed STEM majors, even though the grant made no mentions whatsoever of STEM and had no major requirements. A second new paper by Katharine Broton and David Monaghan of Shippensburg University found that university students assigned to treatment were eight percentage points more likely to declare a STEM major, while our paper estimated a 3.6 percentage point increase in the likelihood of graduating with a STEM major. This strongly suggests that additional need-based financial aid can free students to pursue a wider range of majors, including ones that may require more expensive textbooks and additional hours spent in laboratory sessions.

However, the WSG did not generate across-the-board positive impacts. Impacts on persistence, degree completion, and transfer for students who began at two-year colleges were generally null, which could be due to the smaller size of the grant ($1,800 per year at two-year colleges versus $3,500 at four-year colleges) or the rather unusual population of first-time, full-time students attending mainly transfer-focused two-year colleges. We also found no effects of the grant on graduate school enrollment among students who started at four-year colleges, although this trend is worth re-examining in the future as people may choose to enroll after several years of work experience.

It has been an absolute delight to reunite with my longstanding group of colleagues to conduct this long-term evaluation of the WSG. We welcome any comments on our working paper and look forward to continuing our work in this area through the Hope Center.

Musings from a Midwest Road Trip

One of the best things about being a faculty member is the incredible flexibility during the summer. Although I am only on a nine-month contract and have to hustle for grant or contract funding to maintain a nice standard of living (here is what I did last summer), it’s great to be in almost complete control of my schedule for three months out of the year. I had the pleasure of spending much of early June on the road in the Midwest, mixing some time with my family and friends alongside more typical academic obligations. Here are some musings from 900 miles behind the wheel across some of the most beautiful scenery in America.

After some time with my parents, my wife and I went to Kansas City for a friend’s wedding. But since we are both Truman State University alumni, we had to make a stop at the Harry S. Truman presidential library in Independence, Missouri. In the midst of all of the exhibits (including the famous Zimmermann Telegram), there was a well-worn display on some aspects of Truman’s legacy that are still being debated today. Truman is well-known in higher education circles for the commission that he established, and many of these ideas keep popping up on a regular basis.

We then took a walk in downtown Kansas City, which has been revitalized over the last decade. (Ed policy friends: you’re going to love going to AEFP there next year!) One of the downtown attractions is the College Basketball Experience, which also hosts the National Collegiate Basketball Hall of Fame. I was struck by the graphic outside the building, which prominently featured a Creighton basketball player. This raises questions about whether players should be paid for their likenesses, even when the organization using the likeness is nonprofit.

After a gorgeous drive through corn and soybean fields (and listening to a near no-hitter on the radio), I was in Champaign, Illinois for a conference on state funding volatility in higher education hosted by the University of Illinois. Illinois knows something about the topic, but it was good to see a sense of normalcy (and construction cranes!) after a second year of consistent state funding recently came through. I presented my draft paper examining whether star research faculty members leave public research universities after state funding cuts—and I found little evidence of this. (Thanks to Eric Kelderman for this nice writeup in The Chronicle!) I also enjoyed the art outside the conference room, including this nice sign that would look great in my office.

I was then back in New Jersey for a few days to chair a dissertation defense and cut the grass before heading to Minneapolis to give a talk on higher education accountability at the Lawlor Group’s Summer Seminar for administrators at private nonprofit colleges. I usually speak with policy and scholarly audiences, so it was great to learn from a different group of people over the course of two days. It has been great to travel around for a while over the last few weeks, but now it’s nice to be back in New Jersey for a prolonged stretch of time. Time to write!

New Research on Equity Provisions in State Performance Funding Policies

Previous versions of state performance-based funding (PBF) policies were frequently criticized for encouraging colleges to simply become more selective in order to get more state funding (see a good summary of the research here). This has potential concerns for equity, as lower-income, first-generation, adult, and racial/ethnic minority students often need additional supports to succeed in college compared to their more advantaged peers.

With the support of foundations and advocacy organizations, the most recent wave of state PBF policies has often included provisions that encourage colleges to enroll traditionally underrepresented students. For example, Indiana now gives $6,000 to a college if a low-income student completes a bachelor’s degree; while this is far less than the $23,000 that the college gets if a student completes their degree in four years, it still provides an incentive for colleges to change their recruitment and admissions practices. Today, at least sixteen states provide incentives for colleges to serve underrepresented students.

Given the growth of these equity provisions, it is not surprising that researchers are now turning their attention to these policies. Denisa Gandara of SMU and Amanda Rutherford of Indiana University published a great article in Research in Higher Education last fall looking at the effects of these provisions among four-year colleges. They found that the policies were at least somewhat effective in encouraging colleges to enroll more racial/ethnic minority and lower-income students.

As occasionally happens in the research world, multiple research teams were studying the same topic at the same time. I was also studying the same topic, and my article was accepted in The Journal of Higher Education a few days before their article was released. My article is now available online (the pre-publication version is here), and my findings are generally similar—PBF policies with equity provisions can at the very least help reduce incentives for colleges to enroll fewer at-risk students.

The biggest contribution of my work is how I define the comparison group in my analyses. The treatment group is easy to define (colleges that are subject to a PBF policy with equity provisions), but comparison groups often combine colleges that face PBF without equity provisions with colleges that are not subject to PBF. By dividing those two types of colleges into separate comparison groups, I can dig deeper into how the provisions of performance funding policies affect colleges. And I did find some differences in the results across the two comparison groups, highlighting the importance of more nuanced comparison groups.

Much more work still needs to be done to understand the implications of these new equity provisions. In particular, more details are needed about which components are in a state’s PBF system, and qualitative work is sorely needed to help researchers and policymakers understand how colleges respond to the nuances of different states’ policies. Given the growing group of scholars doing research in this area, I am confident that the state of PBF research will continue to improve over the next few years.

New Research on Brain Drain and Recent College Graduates

As I discussed in my previous post, I believe there is value in education scholars using social media in spite of the concerns that being active on venues like Twitter can raise. One example of this occurred last April, when Doug Webber of Temple University ran some numbers from the American Community Survey looking at the percentage of young college graduates who left New York (in the context of the state’s proposed Excelsior Scholarship program). The numbers got quite a bit of attention in a very nerdy portion of higher ed Twitter and led me to encourage Doug to write up the results.

He then reached out to me about working on the paper with him, which ended up being a lot of fun to write. After going through the peer review process (one substantive and one minor round of changes), our resulting article is now online at Educational Researcher. (And a big kudos to the ER reviewers and editorial team for taking the paper from initial submission to appearing online in just eight months!)

We ended up looking at state-level interstate mobility rates among young (age 22-24) bachelor’s degree recipients using ACS data, focusing on the 2005-2015 period to examine pre-recession and post-recession patterns. Overall mobility rates dropped from 12.7% in 2005 to 10.4% in 2015, which is a surprising finding given that people have historically tended to move at higher rates during economic downturns. We found quite a bit of variation across states in net interstate mobility rates both pre-recession (2005-07) and post-recession (2013-15), as summarized in the table below.

State-level changes in the number of young adults with bachelor’s degrees.
  Gain/loss of young adults w/BAs (pct)
State 2005-2007 2013-2015
Alabama -4.0 -4.6
Alaska 3.9 -5.0
Arizona 4.2 -0.5
Arkansas -1.4 -2.7
California 3.9 3.7
Colorado 0.7 8.0
Connecticut -2.3 -4.1
Delaware -17.5 -7.2
District of Columbia 20.0 19.0
Florida 2.6 1.0
Georgia 6.5 -1.0
Hawaii 7.6 8.1
Idaho -3.9 -10.8
Illinois 3.6 3.4
Indiana -12.9 -7.2
Iowa -5.1 -8.1
Kansas -10.3 -4.6
Kentucky -1.2 -2.8
Louisiana -8.3 3.4
Maine -12.5 -8.7
Maryland 4.9 -1.5
Massachusetts 0.7 2.1
Michigan -8.7 -5.6
Minnesota 1.9 -1.2
Mississippi -2.3 -10.8
Missouri -0.7 -2.6
Montana -23.4 -13.3
Nebraska 3.6 -4.3
Nevada 13.3 10.0
New Hampshire -4.6 -10.0
New Jersey 3.0 -3.4
New Mexico 4.3 2.1
New York -0.2 -0.3
North Carolina 3.6 4.2
North Dakota -9.0 -1.8
Ohio -5.9 -3.5
Oklahoma -5.8 -4.4
Oregon -2.1 1.4
Pennsylvania -6.2 -6.1
Rhode Island -19.1 -11.3
South Carolina -2.7 -2.8
South Dakota -8.0 0.0
Tennessee -1.6 1.9
Texas 3.5 3.4
Utah -12.4 -3.7
Vermont -15.4 -10.9
Virginia 3.6 2.8
Washington 6.2 6.8
West Virginia -12.7 -1.9
Wisconsin -3.3 -0.2
Wyoming 6.1 3.5
Notes:
(1) The percentages reflect changes over the number of 22-24 year olds with a bachelor’s degree who were in the state in a given year.
(2) These values represent averages across the years referenced above.

This article reflects a great example of how a willingness to share some preliminary data on social media results in a publication that is both (hopefully) policy-relevant and a chance to work with a new collaborator. I can’t say enough great things about working with Doug—and I hope to have more of these types of collaborations in the future!

Don’t Expect a Wave of Private Nonprofit College Closures

American higher education certainly faces its share of challenges. Overall higher education enrollment has dropped from its post-recession high, students and their families are increasingly skeptical of the value of higher education, and the credit rating agency Moody’s recently downgraded the sector to negative from neutral over revenue concerns. These challenges have led to some doomsday predictions regarding college closures; Clayton Christensen of Harvard predicted back in 2011 that half of all colleges would close within 10 to 15 years and since doubled down on his prediction.

To this point, the data tell a different story. While a sizable number of for-profit colleges merge or close in a given year, nonprofit higher education is remarkably stable (and public colleges rarely ever close). According to the U.S. Department of Education, eight degree-granting private nonprofit colleges closed in 2015-16 (the most recent year of data available). Yet the number of degree-granting private nonprofit colleges increased from 1,672 to 1,701—the largest number in 20 years.

Among private nonprofit colleges, there are a few clear risk factors for closure. Small, less-selective institutions with tiny endowments are at a higher risk of closure, particularly if they are located in parts of the country where the pool of traditional-age students is drying up. But these risk factors have existed for decades, yet there is rarely a year in which ten private nonprofit colleges close. (Moody’s expects the number to rise to about 15 per year going forward.)

A recent article published in The Journal of Higher Education helps to provide some data on how resilient small private colleges can be. Melissa Tarrant of the University of West Georgia led a team of researchers who looked back at a 1972 paper by Alexander Astin and Calvin Lee called “The Invisible Colleges.” In that paper, Astin and Calvin identified 491 private, broad-access institutions with fewer than 2,500 students—exactly the type of college that is of greater risk of closure. Yet Tarrant and colleagues showed that 354 of the colleges (more than 70%) were still operating as standalone private nonprofit institutions and only 80 had closed in the following four decades. A failure rate of less than 20% over 40 years does not bode well for predictions that higher education as we know it is going away anytime soon.

A case can be made that the current number of small private colleges is more than would exist if the higher education system were to be designed from scratch to meet the needs of today’s students. But Christensen misses the loyalty of campus communities and alumni (the saga of Sweet Briar College was a great recent example) and the sheer tenacity of institutions as they face extreme financial difficulties. More colleges may consider mergers and strategic alliances, but the rate of college closures in nonprofit higher education is likely to only tick up slightly in the coming decade.

My 2017 Higher Education Finance Reading List

The middle of July marks the two-thirds point in my academic summer, so I’m spending time getting ready for the fall semester in addition to packing in as much research and fun into this wonderful time of year. I am teaching a higher education finance class at Seton Hall University for the fourth time this fall semester and just posted my syllabus for my students to look at before the semester begins.

Here is the reading list I am assigning my students for the course, which is my best effort to capture the current state of knowledge in higher education finance. I teach students who are primarily administrators and practitioners, so I especially value articles that are clearly-written and explain research methods in a concise manner. I link to the final versions of the articles whenever possible, but those without access to an academic library should note that earlier versions of many of these articles are available online via a quick Google search.

I hope you enjoy the list!

 

Introduction to higher education finance

Lumina Foundation video on how the federal government distributes financial aid to students: https://www.luminafoundation.org/looking-back-to-move-forward-4

Chetty, R., Friedman, J. N., Saez, E., Turner, N., & Yagan, D. (2017). Mobility report cards: The role of colleges in intergenerational mobility. Working paper. (Also, look at their website for data on how your favorite college fares: http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/college/.)

Ehrenberg, R. G. (2012). American higher education in transition. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 26(1), 193-216. (link)

Madzelan, D. (2013). The politics of student aid. Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute. (link)

Schanzenbach, D. W., Bauer, L., & Breitwieser, A. (2017). Eight economic facts on higher education. Washington, DC: The Hamilton Project. (link)

National Center for Education Statistics (2015). IPEDS data center user manual. Washington, DC: Author. (skim as a reference) (link)

 

Institutional budgeting

Barr, M.J., & McClellan, G.S. (2010). Understanding budgets. In Budgets and financial management in higher education (pp. 55-85). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. (link)

Varlotta, L.E. (2010). Becoming a leader in university budgeting. New Directions for Student Services, 129, 5-20. (link)

Seton Hall’s FY 2016 Forms 990 and 990-T to the Internal Revenue Service: https://www13.shu.edu/offices/finance/index.cfm

The College of New Jersey’s FY 2016 audited financial statements: https://treasurer.tcnj.edu/files/2016/02/FY2016-Audited-Financials-and-Schedules-of-Federal-State-Awards.pdf

Moody’s credit rating report for The College of New Jersey: https://treasurer.tcnj.edu/files/2016/09/Moodys-TCNJ-Final-Report-8.15.2016.pdf

Information on The College of New Jersey’s budgeting cycle: https://treasurer.tcnj.edu/files/2012/06/FY2018-TCNJ-Strategic-Budget-Planning-Cycle.pdf

 

Policy analysis and higher education finance

DesJardins, S.L. (2001). Understanding and using efficiency and equity criteria in the study of higher education policy. In J.C. Smart & W.G. Tierney (Eds.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research, Vol. 17 (pp. 173-220). Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Publishers. (link)

Ness, E. C. (2010). The role of information in the policy process: Implications for the examination of research utilization in higher education policy. In J. C. Smart (Ed.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research, Vol. 25 (pp. 1-49). Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer. (link)

Weimer, D.L., & Vining, A.R. (1999). Thinking strategically about adoption and implementation. In Policy analysis: Concepts and practice (3rd Ed.) (pp. 382-416). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. (link)

Winston, G. C. (1999). Subsidies, hierarchy and peers: The awkward economics of higher education. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 13(1), 13-36. (link)

 

Higher education expenditures

Altonji, J. G., & Zimmerman, S. D. (2017). The costs of and net returns to college major. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 23029. (link)

Archibald, R. B., & Feldman, D. H. (2008). Explaining increases in higher education costs. The Journal of Higher Education, 79(3), 268-295.

Cheslock, J. J., & Knight, D. B. (2015). Diverging revenues, cascading expenditures, and ensuing subsidies: The unbalanced and growing financial strain of intercollegiate athletics on universities and their students. The Journal of Higher Education, 86(3), 417-447. (link)

Hurlburt, S., & McGarrah, M. (2016). Cost savings or cost shifting? The relationship between part-time contingent faculty and institutional spending. New York, NY: TIAA Institute. (link)

Commonfund Institute (2015). 2015 higher education price index. Wilton, CT: Author. (skim) (link)

Desrochers, D. M., & Hurlburt, S. (2016). Trends in college spending: 2003-2013. Washington, DC: American Institutes for Research. (skim) (link)

 

Federal sources of revenue

Cellini, S. R. (2010). Financial aid and for-profit colleges: Does aid encourage entry? Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 29(3), 526-552. (link)

Kirshstein, R. J., & Hurlburt, S. (2012). Revenues: Where does the money come from? Washington, DC: American Institutes for Research. (link)

Pew Charitable Trusts (2015). Federal and state funding of higher education. Washington, DC: Author. (link)

Pew Charitable Trusts (2017). How governments support higher education through the tax code. Washington, DC: Author. (link)

(Note: I will add a draft paper I’m working on looking at whether law, medical, and business schools responded to a 2006 increase in Grad PLUS loan limits by raising tuition later in the semester. I’ll have a public draft of the paper to share in early November, but I think it’s good that students see a really rough draft to see how the research process works.)

 

State sources of revenue

Chatterji, A. K., Kim, J., & McDevitt, R. C. (2016). School spirit: Legislator school ties and state funding for higher education. Working paper. (link)

Doyle, W., & Zumeta, W. (2014). State-level responses to the access and completion challenge in the new era of austerity. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 655, 79-98. (link)

Fitzpatrick, M. D., & Jones, D. (2016). Post-baccalaureate migration and merit-based scholarships. Economics of Education Review, 54, 155-172. (link)

Hillman, N. W. (2016). Why performance-based funding doesn’t work. New York, NY: The Century Foundation. (link)

State Higher Education Executive Officers Association (2017). State higher education finance: FY 2017. Boulder, CO: Author. (skim) (link)

 

College pricing, tuition revenue, and endowments

Goldrick-Rab, S., & Kendall, N. (2016). The real price of college. New York, NY: The Century Foundation. (link)

Jaquette, O., Curs, B. R., & Posselt, J. R. (2016). Tuition rich, mission poor: Nonresident enrollment growth and the socioeconomic and racial composition of public research universities. Journal of Higher Education, 87(5), 635-673. (link)

Kelchen, R. (2016). An analysis of student fees: The roles of states and institutions. The Review of Higher Education, 39(4), 597-619. (link)

Levin, T., Levitt, S. D., & List, J. A. (2016). A glimpse into the world of high capacity givers: Experimental evidence from a university capital campaign. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 22099. (link)

Yau, L., & Rosen, H. S. (2016). Are universities becoming more unequal? The Review of Higher Education, 39(4), 479-514. (link)

Ma, J., Baum, S., Pender, M., & Welch, M. (2016). Trends in college pricing 2016. Washington, DC: The College Board. (skim) (link)

National Association of College and University Budget Offices (2017). 2016 NACUBO-Commonfund study of endowment results. http://www.nacubo.org/Research/NACUBO-Commonfund_Study_of_Endowments/Public_NCSE_Tables.html (skim)

 

Student debt and financing college

Akers, B., & Chingos, M. M. (2016). Game of loans: The rhetoric and reality of student debt (p. 13-37). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. (link)

Boatman, A., Evans, B. J., & Soliz, A. (2017). Understanding loan aversion in education: Evidence from high school seniors, community college students, and adults. AERA Open, 3(1), 1-16. (link)

Chakrabarti, R., Haughwout, A., Lee, D., Scally, J., & van der Klaauw, W. (2017). Press briefing on household debt, with focus on student debt. New York, NY: Federal Reserve Bank of New York. (link)

Houle, J. N., & Warner, C. (2017). Into the red and back to the nest? Student debt, college completion, and returning to the parental home among young adults. Sociology of Education, 90(1), 89-108. (link)

Kelchen, R., & Li. A. Y. (2017). Institutional accountability: A comparison of the predictors of student loan repayment and default rates. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 671, 202-223. (link)

 

Financial aid practices, policies, and impacts

Watch the Lumina Foundation’s video on the history of the Pell Grant: https://www.luminafoundation.org/looking-back-to-move-forward-3

Bird, K., & Castleman, B. L. (2016). Here today, gone tomorrow? Investigating rates and patterns of financial aid renewal among college freshmen. Research in Higher Education, 57(4), 395-422. (link)

Carruthers, C. K., & Ozek, U. (2016). Losing HOPE: Financial aid and the line between college and work. Economics of Education Review, 53, 1-15. (link)

Goldrick-Rab, S., Kelchen, R., Harris, D. N., & Benson, J. (2016). Reducing income inequality in educational attainment: Experimental evidence on the impact of financial aid on college completion. American Journal of Sociology, 121(6), 1762-1817. (link)

Schudde, L., & Scott-Clayton, J. (2016). Pell Grants as performance-based scholarships? An examination of satisfactory academic progress requirements in the nation’s largest need-based aid program. Research in Higher Education, 57(8), 943-967. (link)

Baum, S., Ma, J., Pender, M., & Welch, M. (2016). Trends in student aid 2016. Washington, DC: The College Board. (skim) (link)

 

Free college programs/proposals

Deming, D. J. (2017). Increasing college completion with a federal higher education matching grant. Washington, DC: The Hamilton Project. (link)

Goldrick-Rab, S., & Kelly, A. P. (2016). Should community college be free? Education Next, 16(1), 54-60. (link)

Harnisch, T. L., & Lebioda, K. (2016). The promises and pitfalls of state free community college plans. Washington, DC: American Association of State Colleges and Universities. (link)

Murphy, R., Scott-Clayton, J., & Wyness, G. (2017). Lessons from the end of free college in England. Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution. (link)

Map of college promise/free college programs: https://ahead-penn.org/creating-knowledge/college-promise

 

Returns to education

Deterding, N. M., & Pedulla, D. S. (2016). Educational authority in the “open door” marketplace: Labor market consequences of for-profit, nonprofit, and fictional educational credentials. Sociology of Education, 89(3), 155-170. (link)

Doyle, W. R., & Skinner, B. T. (2017). Does postsecondary education result in civic benefits? The Journal of Higher Education. doi: 10.1080/00221546.2017.1291258. (link)

Giani, M. S. (2016). Are all colleges equally equalizing? How institutional selectivity impacts socioeconomic disparities in graduates’ labor outcomes. Research in Higher Education, 39(3), 431-461. (link)

Ma, J., Pender, M., & Welch, M. (2016). Education pays 2016: The benefits of higher education for individuals and society. Washington, DC: The College Board. (link)

Webber, D. A. (2016). Are college costs worth it? How ability, major, and debt affect the returns to schooling. Economics of Education Review, 53, 296-310. (link)